As Imran Khan’s PTI prepares for another round of nationwide protests, the only viable route back to power appears to be mending ties with the military.
Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is gearing up to launch a nationwide protest movement starting August 5. The campaign aims not only to demand the release of the jailed former prime minister and denounce what it calls the government’s “politically motivated” crackdown on Khan and his party, but also to showcase its mass support to the so-called “real decision makers” behind the scenes.
Meanwhile, the powerful military establishment is closely involved in shaping the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)-led government’s newly announced paramilitary force, which is expected to handle “internal security, riot control, and counter-terrorism” operations.
Imran Khan has been imprisoned since August 2023, battling multiple legal cases-including eight linked to the violent protests that erupted on May 9 following his arrest. Despite his incarceration and an intense crackdown on his party by the military establishment, PTI-backed independent candidates emerged as the dominant force in last year’s general elections, winning the majority of seats.
However, PTI insiders indicate that there is growing momentum within the party to reassess its anti-military stance in light of recent developments.
“We, as a party, stood firmly behind the army during the conflict with India. [Imran Khan] must now acknowledge the current ground realities and focus on a long-term strategy,” a PTI leader told The Diplomat, reflecting the rising sentiment within the party that urges Khan to pursue reconciliation with the military.
Internal Rifts And Famuly-Led Campaing
Taimur Jhagra, a former member of the provincial assembly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and senior PTI leader, acknowledged to The Diplomat that there are internal disagreements over the party’s future political strategy. However, he emphasized that the entire party remains united in demanding the release of its founder. “Everyone will unite for Imran Khan. His support transcends party lines—he has the backing of the nation,” Jhagra asserted.
While PTI members are presenting a united front ahead of the August 5 demonstration, recent protests have exposed the party’s organizational challenges. The last major protest, held in November, was abruptly called off amid a government crackdown and reports of internal discord. Ali Amin Gandapur, the chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and a key figure in the PTI-led provincial government, has faced accusations of aligning too closely with the military establishment.
Khan himself has recently voiced concern over the growing “factionalism” within PTI, criticizing the party for failing to generate sufficient momentum in the lead-up to the August 5 protest.
With many of his trusted party aides sidelined following the May 9 violence, Imran Khan has increasingly turned to his family to lead efforts for his release. His wife, Bushra Bibi, played a prominent role in several protests before being arrested and sentenced in connection with the Al-Qadir Trust corruption case. Khan’s sister, Aleema Khan, has been vocal and active in advocating for her brother, while his sons have taken the campaign global—most notably meeting with Richard Grenell, a key advisor to U.S. President Donald Trump.
Diplomatic sources have informed The Diplomat that Imran Khan’s fate has featured in recent discussions between Washington and Islamabad. His case reportedly came up during former President Donald Trump’s meeting with Army Chief Asim Munir last month, as well as in U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s talks with Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar on July 25. Following the Washington meeting, Dar controversially drew a comparison between Khan’s imprisonment and that of Aafia Siddiqui, an Al-Qaeda-linked figure convicted in the United States.
Many PTI members and supporters have interpreted these developments as signs that the Trump administration is interested in seeing Imran Khan return to power in Pakistan. They believe Washington may view Khan’s global stature as a strategic asset, particularly in light of its reported plans for the region.
It would be a deeply ironic turn of events if U.S. intervention were to secure Imran Khan’s release—given his long-standing accusations against Washington. Khan has repeatedly blamed the United States for pursuing policies that have harmed Pakistan, even alleging that the “conspiracy” behind his 2022 ouster as prime minister was orchestrated in Washington.
“Imran Khan may have come up in the discussions, but I don’t believe Trump is actively pushing for his release,” former Pakistani foreign secretary Shamshad Ahmed told The Diplomat. “I also don’t see Imran Khan aligning with Western interests, nor do I think he would welcome direct intervention from Trump,” he added.
Military Dominance Deepens as Khan Weighs
The military establishment, with support from local media, has crafted a narrative portraying Pakistan’s perceived “triumph” over India in May as a turning point—reasserting the country’s status as a key regional player. According to this narrative, Pakistan is now poised to play a significant role in various emerging conflicts, including those involving Iran.
“I believe Pakistan’s position in the region is being grossly exaggerated,” said former Punjab chief minister and political scientist Hasan Askari Rizvi, author of The Military and Politics in Pakistan. “Even if that were the case, the military has no incentive to alter the current arrangement, where the government is fully aligned with its interests. The army has only strengthened its hold following the clashes with India,” he added.
While the army leadership no longer feels threatened by PTI’s leadership or its popular support, military officials had told me earlier this year that Khan was offered a path back—provided he abandoned his confrontational stance toward the establishment. Those same officials now suggest that a proverbial get-out-of-jail-free card is still available in the long run, but only if Khan not only renounces his previous opposition to the military, but also embraces the establishment’s narrative on key issues—including Islamabad’s renewed pursuit of strategic and economic ties with Washington.
However, the PTI founder will need to play the long game regardless. “These protest calls are part of Imran Khan’s strategy to stay in the spotlight and preserve his political relevance, as he’s well aware that any relief is unlikely in the near future,” noted Rizvi.
Regardless of what lies ahead for Khan, the military’s grip on power has only tightened. Many now view the civilian government as mere bystanders with little real authority. Miftah Ismail, former finance minister and co-founder of the Awaam Pakistan party, believes that the military’s current influence over political affairs is at its highest since the era of Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorship. However, Ismail also emphasized that Imran Khan shares equal responsibility with the current leadership for the erosion of democratic norms in the country.
“It started with the PTI in 2018, then continued under the PDM government. And now, after the PML-N lost the elections, they have no moral authority left,” said Miftah Ismail, who parted ways with the PML-N in 2023 to launch his own party, Awaam Pakistan, which has been openly critical of the military’s persistent interference in the political process.
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Ismail emphasized that the long-term solution requires unity among all political forces to focus on the country’s progress. “I think it’s important for all Pakistani stakeholders to come to some working understanding to move Pakistan forward,” he said.
For critics of the military establishment who envision a thriving democracy in Pakistan, the true get-out-of-jail-free card for Imran Khan lies not in appeasing the army, but in reconciling with his political rivals.
